CHAPTER I.
Birth Ceremonies and Customs.
The ceremonies and customs, that fall under the head of
"Socio-Religious Ceremonies and Customs," may be subdivided,
according to the three principal events of man's life, — birth,
marriage, and death — under the following heads:-
I.— Birth Ceremonies and Customs.
2. Vendidad, III, 2.
3. Vendidad, III, 33.
4. Yasht, VIII, Tir, 15.
5. Yasht X, Meher, 65.
6. Yasna XI, Hom Yasht, 4, 7, 10, 13, 22.
7. Yasna LXII, Atash Niyayesh, 10; Vendidad XVIII, 27.
8. Yasht X, Meher, 3; Yasht XIII, 134.
9. Hom Yasht, Yasna Ha, XI, 3. Cf. The blessings and the curse of Cambyses (Herodotus III, 65). Cf. also those of Darius (Behistun Inscriptions, IV, 10, 11).
10. Yasna, XI, 1-2.
11. Yasna, XI, 3; Yasht X, Meher, 38, 108, 110.
12. Av. Kavaêm Kharêno. 13. Yasht XIX, Zamyad,75.
14. Chap. X, 22; XII, 15. S.B.E. Vol. V, pp. 325, 345.
16. Atash Niyayesh, Yasna LXII, 5.
17. Vend. III,24.
18. Yasht V (Aban), 87.
20. Herodotus, IX, 10.
21. Ibid I, 136. Rawlinson's Translation, Vol. I, p. 277.
22. Bk. XV, 11.
24. Ardwisur Niyayesh, 3.
26. Chap. XVI, 1. S.B.E. Vol. XXIV, p. 277.
27. Vide my Anthropological Papers, Part II, p. 207.
29. Shayast ne Shayast, Chap. X, 20; XII, 13, (S.B.E., Vol. V, pp. 323, 344); Saddar, XVII, 2 (S.B.E., Vol. XXIV, p. 278).
31. The following story connects the cocoanut with a man's head. An astrologer once said to a king that, whatever was sown or planted on such and such a coming auspicious day, would grow well. The king said: "Suppose somebody sows a man's head on a stony ground, will that also grow up into a luxuriant tree?" "Yes,' said the astrologer. The king, thereupon, cut off the head of the astrologer and sowed it in a stony ground. The cocoanut palm grew out of it. (Journal of the Ceylon Asiatic Society. January 1891.)
33. Denkard, Bk. VIII, Ch. XXXI and XXXV. 9, S.B.E., Vol. XXXVII, pp. 100 and 109. Dastur Darab Peshotan's Denkard, Vol. XVI, pp. 20 and 28. The second of the above two chapters, refers to various subject, of obstetrics.
37. Vendidad, V. 55-56.
38. Chap. XVI. 4, S.B.E., Vol. XXIV, p. 277.
42. Zend Avesta, II, p. 564.
46. Ibid, Vol. III, pp. 550-63.
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, Avesta 'ji',
Persian Zîstan 'to live'). In the recital of prayers in honour of
the dead, this suffix 'ji' is generally dropped, especially among
the priestly class. It is taken to be a suffix-appellation of only
the living. Modern Parsee names can be traced to certain few
sources. For the males they are the following:- (1) Some of
them are derived from the names of some of their Yazatas or
angels. They are Hormusji (from Avesta Ahura Mazda,
Hormuzd, the first Yazata), Bahamanji (Avesta Vohumana,
Persian Bahman, the 2nd Yazata), Adarji (Adar, the 9th), Khorshedji
(Avesta Hvare Khshaeta, the 11th), Meherji (Avesta Mithra, Persian
Meher, the 16th), Behramji (Avesta Verethragna, Pahlavi Varahram [Varharam],
Persian Behrâm, the 19th), Din (Avesta Daena, the 24th), and
Homji (Avesta Haoma the 32nd in the list of the Siroza).
(2) Some names are derived from some
precious jewels; for example, Dhanji, Hirji, Manockji, Ratanji.48
(3) Some names are adopted from those of their Iranian
ancestors, as mentioned in the Shah-nameh and in other Iranian
writings; for example, Ardeshir, Burjorji, Bezonji, Dârâshâh,
Dârâbji (Dorabji), Edalji (Adalji), Erachji, Fardunji (Fredun),
Firozji (Pirozeji), Frâmji (Framroz), Godrezji, Gustâdji, Jâlbhai,
Jamshedji, Jâmâspji Jehângirji, Kaikusru, Kekbâdji
(Kaikobâd), Kerbâdji, Kâvasji, Khodâbux, Minochehrji
(Mancherji), Meherwânji (Meherbân), Nâdirshâh, Nowrozji,
[11]
Nushirwânji, Pâhlanji (Pâhlûm.), Pestonji (Peshotan), Rustamji,
Shiâvakshâh, Shâpurji, Shehriârji, Sohrâbji, Tehmulji (Avesta
Takhma-Urupa, changed in Pahlavi into Tahamurasp, then
contracted by dropping the final asp, into Tahmur, then changed
into Tahmul). (4) Some names have been taken bodily or with
slight changes from the Hindus. For example, Bapuji,
Bhikhâji, Dâdâbhai, Dâjibhâi, Dosâbhai, Fakirji, Ghândibhâi,
Jijibhâi, Jivâji, Jivanji, Kuvarji, Lavji, Limji, Motâbhâi,
Nânâbhâi, Pochâji, Santok, Suklâji, Ukarji.
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i.e., ange1.50. Bk. I. 133. Vide Ibid., Bk. IX. 110-14, for the king's birthday feast 'Tykta.' The king soaped his head and gave gifts on this day. He refused no demands of gifts on that day. For the meaning of the word 'tykta', see my Asiatic Papers Part II, p. 242 (Bombay, British India Press, 1905).
53. Ibid., Chap. IV. I.
54. The following subjects are referred to in the Denkard as the contents of a section of the lost Husparum nask on the subject of childbirth and children: "Begetting a son; conception; tokens of a sex; formation of the limbs; Fravahars' power of making the sexes; childbirth and care of a child; spiritual vision of the child; habits tending to beauty and other good qualities." I (Dastur Darab Peshotan's Dinkard, Vol. XVI, contents, p. V).
CHAPTER II. MARRIAGE CEREMONIES AND CUSTOMS.
"What a delicious breath marriage sends forth
The violet's bed not sweeter! Honest wedlock
Is like a banqueting house built in a garden,
On which the spring flowers take delight
To cast their modest odours."
According to the Avesta, a person came to manhood in ancient Iran at the age of fifteen (Yt. VIII., Tir, 13-14; Yt.XIV, Warharan, 17; Yasna IX., 5). The Pahlavi Bundahesh also gives the same age (Chap. III., 19, S.B.E. Vol. V., 16). So, fifteen was the marriageable age for males. For the females also it was 15 (Vendidad XIV, 15). The very fact, that in the Avesta we find brides praying for suitable husbands, shows that there were no early marriages (Yt. 5. Aban 87; Yt. XV, Ram, 40; Yasna IX, 23). The Paywand-nameh, recited at present at the marriage ceremony, also shows that early marriages were never contemplated. The bride and [17] bridegroom are asked to express their consent after "truthful consideration" (Tâ andâzandi paêmân pa râst manashni pasand kardehid). The book of Herodotus also points to a grown-up age for marriage. The marriageable age at present is generally after 21 for the males and after 16 for the females. The Parsee Marriage Act enjoins 21 for the males and 18 for the females. When they are not of that age, the marriage-certificate must be signed by the parents.
The nuptial ceremonies of the marriage-day are preceded by several other ceremonies. When the match is arranged, an auspicious day is fixed for the betrothal. The new moon day, or the first day (Hormazd) of the Parsee month, or the twentieth day, over which Behram [Warharan], the angel of Victory, is believed to preside, are generally considered to be auspicious days. Now-a-days, the parties generally fix such auspicious days or the days most convenient to them. But still it is not rare, especially in the Mofussil towns, for the parties to resort to Hindu astrologers to name one or more auspicious days for the betrothal or marriage or such other auspicious events.
Matches are generally arranged by the parents with the consent
of the children, though, now-a-days, there are many cases of
marriages where marrying parties make their own choice. In the
latter case, they generally consult the parents. Mutual friends
of the two families generally carry messages and bring about the
arrangement. The Pahlavi Pand-nâmeh of Aderbad Marespand
recommends this process (§ 42). The marriages of
the three sons of Faridoon and the marriages of Rustam with
Tehemina and of Kaus with Soudabeh were, as we learn from Ferdowsi,
thus arranged. Upto late, and even now to a certain
extent, professional match-makers were not unknown.
6. Vide above, p. 9, the section of "Naming the child" in "The Birth Ceremonies.
7. Betrothal is so called, because in it a 'troth' or a promise of truthful adherence to a marriage contract is given; cf. the promise of Mithro virô mazô (Vendidad, IV, 2), which is considered by the Rivayats to be a marriage promise, to break which is considered to be a great sin.
8. For some marriage songs, vide my Marriage Customs of the Parsees. Vide Journal, Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol. V of 1899.
11. According to Strabo, the vernal equinox was considered to be the best season for marriages among the ancient Persians, because it was, as it were, the birthday of Nature. Among the ancient Greeks, weddings took place in the winter. "A favourite time was the month Gamelion (the end of January and beginning of February) which hence received its name. Certain days regarded as auspicious were generally chosen, and the waning moon was specially avoided." (The Home Life of the Ancient Greeks, by Blümner, p. 136). "The Athenians preferred the time of the new moon, while some of the Greeks considered the period of full moon as the most favourable" (The Knot Tied by W. Tegg, p. 63). Among the ancient Jews, "the fourth day of the week, i.e. Wednesday, was an auspicious day for the marriage of virgins and Thursday for that of widows." (W .Tegg, p. 53). Among the ancient Romans, "certain days were reckoned unfortunate for the marriage as the Kalends, Nones, and Ides, and the days which followed them, particularly the whole month of May. But widows might marry on these days. The most fortunate time was the middle of the month of June" (Ibid, p. 174).
12. Cf. The custom referred to by Mrs. Philgot in her Sacred Trees, pp. 88-91.
Marriage is considered to be an event which must be celebrated, not quietly, but with some eclat. It must be celebrated in the presence of an assembly16 (anjoman) who can bear witness to the event.
14. Vide below Chapter IV. The Purificatory Ceremonies.
15. It is just the time when day and night unite together. So, perhaps that hour is chosen to indicate, that just as day and night, light and darkness, unite together and melt into each other, so the marrying couple may unite together in prosperity and adversity, in happiness and grief, in danger and safety. The ancient Romans also performed their marriages at night-fall, because they said it was the time when Venus, the goddess of beauty, which personified beauty in the marrying bride, shone.
16. In ancient Rome and Greece also, a similar view was held about marriage. But the assemblies began to be very large, and consequently extravagance in marriage expenses crept in. Hence, it was found necessary to limit the number of guests invited. Plato allowed 10 guests to each side, i.e., in all 20 guests were allowed at the marriage gatherings. A law of the fourth century fixed that number to be 30. A censor had the right of going into a house where the marriage took place and he removed out of the house any number that exceeded 30.
The bridegroom puts on the usual ceremonial dress — Jâmâ-pichhoir — of the Parsees, which is a loose flowing dress, full of folds and curls.17 This flowing dress is always white in colour.18 The bridegroom holds a shawl in his hand, a shawl being considered in India a symbol of respect and greatness.19 He has the mark of a Kunkun20 (red pigment) on his forehead.
18. White colour is generally the symbol of purity, innocence and faith, fulness. The Roman bride used to wear a white gown on the occasion of her marriage. The ribbon-knots which the guests put on among the Romans on marriage occasions were also white in colour.
19. Fifty years ago the chief leaders of the Parsee community used to carry shawls over their shoulders. The head-priests of the community still carry shawls as the insignia of their office. The presentation of shawls to friends on important ceremonial occasions, as marriages, is still common to a certain extent.
20. Kunkun or the red pigment plays an important part on marriage, and such other gay occasions in India. Various explanations are given about its use. Some say that this red pigment is the symbol or substitute of blood, and that its use is the remnant of the custom of using blood on such occasions. They say that formerly they used to sacrifice animals on gay occasions like marriage, to avert evil from the married life of the couple. The blood of such sacrificed animals was applied to the forehead of the marrying couple. The application of the red pigment is considered to be a remnant and substitute of that custom. I have heard a story of a Divân of a native State, that on the coronation of his Prince, he made a slight cut on his thumb, and with the blood oozing from the wound, made the usual mark (til*acirc;) on the Prince's forehead. That was a prevalent custom among the Rajputs of Oodeypore (vide Tod's Râjasthân). In old Christian art also, an angel is shown stamping a mark on the forehead of the elect (vide The Life of Christ as represented in Art by Dr. Farrar). The legend explains the subject as the sign of the letter T which was originally a + (cross) and was a symbol of felicity, safety, and salvation.
The bridegroom has a garland21 of flowers round his neck as a symbol of sweetness and geniality. The bridegroom is called var-râjâ, i.e., husband-king. For this particular occasion of marriage his position is taken to be elevated.22
22. They say, that in ancient times, among several nations, the marrying couple put on crowns. Among the ancient Greeks, the priest put crowns on the heads of bridegrooms. In Athens, the friends of the bride carried a crown for her. In Egypt also, the bride put on a crown. Among the Hebrews the marrying couple were made to walk under a canopy resembling a crown. In Norway, the bride put on a jewel resembling a crown. In ancient churches, they kept a metallic crown, which was lent to the marrying couple for the occasion.
An hour or two before the celebration of the marriage, the ladies of the bride's family and the bride's friends, form themselves in a procession, and carry for the bridegroom, to his place, presents of clothes and some other valuables. The houses of the bridegroom and the bride have a kind of wedding powder called chauk spread over their thresholds on such merry occasions.24 A nuptial song is again sung on such an occasion. They return to their place after this presentation. The assembly, then, forms itself into a procession, headed by the officiating priests and the bridegroom and followed by the ladies who carry with them what is called varni, i.e., a present from the var, (i.e., the bridegroom) to the bride. The procession is sometimes preceded by a band of music. According to the Pahlavi Denkard, one of the objects of playing music on the occasion of a marriage is to inform the whole town, especially the neighbourhood, that a marriage has been celebrated.25 The procession26 goes to the
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) in India" (Journal, Anthropological Society of Bombay;
1912, Vol. IX, pp. 471.80). Vide my Anthropological Papers, Part II, pp. 31-39. 25. Dastur Peshotan's Denkard, Vol. II., p. 96. Vide "Notice Sur lez Yezedis," Journal Asiatique of January-February, 1896, p. 119.
26. Such marriage processions played an important part in many nations. In the Isle of Man, the marriage processions entered the church after going round three times. In ancient Greece, marriage processions were generally accompanied with musical bands and torches. The whole procession went on foot to the house of the bride, but the marrying couple were seated in a carriage. Up to about 70 years ago in Bombay, and about 45 years ago in Naosari, and such other Mofussil towns, it was common to see the husband — generally boy-husbands — riding on horses. In Naosari, some marriage processions were accompanied by men carrying guns which were fired at intervals. It is said that this is the case even now in some parts of Scotland. This seems to be a remnant of the ancient custom of marrying by capture when tribes attacked other tribes, and carried off marriageable girls.
The procession goes to the place of the bride, and its members are accommodated with seats, the males in the compound and the females within the house. The door of the house of the bride is decorated with a hanging string of flowers, called toran (i.e., arch) and the sideposts which support the doors are marked with Haradh (turmeric) mixture.27 This kind of decoration is observed on the door of the bridegroom's house also. A nuptial song is sung on this occasion.
The custom of applying Haradh (turmeric) to the door-posts is common in India. The word Haradh comes from the Sanskrit root har, which means "to be yellow, to shine." Its colour is like that of sunlight. So turmeric and other drugs of its colour are taken to be the symbols of sun's light, and also of the prosperity and plenty brought about by his fertilizing power. Hence, the marks made with turmeric are considered auspicious. Instead of the red pigment (Kunkun), some use turmeric for the auspicious marks on their foreheads. It is for its being a symbol of plenty and prosperity that the new account books, commenced to be used on the Dewali New Year's day by the Hindus, are marked with turmeric marks.
According to Dr. Dymock, one of the different Indian words for turmeric is Rajni, i.e., light. They say that in ancient times young wives decorated their foreheads with auspicious marks of turmeric, a little before sunset, when they expected their husbands to return to their homes from outdoor work. This was intended as an auspicious thing, signifying that, as the sun, whose symbol the turmeric was, fructified the creation, so they may be fructified and blessed with children at the hands of their husbands. This custom is said to prevail even now in some of the Indian villages. Even young ladies, when visiting lady friends in the evening, have their bodies marked with turmeric. These visitors are then allowed to return to their husband's houses after sunset, which is considered to be the auspicious occasion for the coming of the goddess Laxmi, which presides over wealth and prosperity. According to the Iliad, Juno, in order to entice Juno, had her bed prepared of turmeric-coloured saffron.
An egg is then passed round his head three times, and then thrown upon the ground and broken. This seems to be the
A cocoanut is then similarly passed round the head three times and then broken.30 A little water is then poured in a tray, which is passed round the head three times, and then the water is thrown at the feet of the bridegroom. Once in the evening, the ladies of the bride's family present before the bridegroom a water-pot (called var-behendoo, i.e., a pot presented to the husband, (var), as a part of the dowry), and make him dip his hand in it. While doing so, he drops a silver coin into it as a return gift, and as a mark of his appreciation of their gift.31 At one time it was customary that the feet of the couple were washed with water just after the performance of the marriage
30. In Scotland, they used to break a cake over the head of the bride at the threshold of her husband's house, when after marriage, she entered it for the first time. Among the Hebrews, after the marriage ceremony, they present before the bridegroom a wineglass which he breaks as a sign of good omen. All present then shout out "mazzletown, mazzletown," which means "good luck, good luck." This ceremony among the Hebrews is variously explained. Some say, it is to remind the Hebrews that their people are an scattered in different countries, just as the pieces of the glass lie scattered over the ground. Others say that it is to remind the marrying couple of the transitory state of this life, which may be as easily broken as the glass.
31. Water is considered to be a symbol of prosperity and also of humility. According to Herodotus, the ancient Persians, when they went to conquer foreign countries, asked for dust and water from those countries as tokens of submission. The act of the Athenians and Spartans of throwing the Persian messengers into a pit and into a well respectively, to receive with their own hands therefrom the desired earth and water, was one of the immediate causes of the Persian invasion of Greece, which led to the famous battle of Marathon. In one of the tribes of Bengal, they give earthen pots full of water and rice to the marrying couple, and sprinkle water over them from those pots. A person going out on an important business, considers it a good omen, if he meets one with a pot full of water.
After the welcoming ceremonies on the threshold, the bridegroom is made to cross the threshold without placing his foot upon it. The bride also, when she goes to her husband's, is made to cross the threshold.33 The threshold is crossed with the right foot, which is always considered auspicious.34
When the bridegroom enters the house to be married he is further welcomed with a song. Having entered the house, the bridegroom takes his seat first, and waits for the bride, who comes in after a short time, to take her seat.35 The bridegroom sits
33. According to Plutarch (Life of Romulus), among the ancient Romans, the bride, when she first went to her husband's, was lifted up over the threshold. A similar custom is said to prevail in Lincolnshire. They say, that in old England, when the couple first left the house after marriage, the house servant washed the threshold with hot water "to keep the doorstep warm." This was to indicate a wish that another marriage may soon take place in the family.
34. In some countries of Europe, the bride, while entering the Church to be married, is asked to put her right foot first into the building and then to leave it also with the same foot. In former times, when some royal marriages took place by proxy, the nobleman representing the royal bridegroom placed his right foot on the bed of the royal bride. The right hand side is always considered auspicious. Among the Dhankar tribe of Mahableshwar, to determine whether the time for marriage is auspicious or not, a calf in the hut is let loose to be fed by the cow which is kept outside the hut. If the calf, while going to the cow, passes by the right-hand side of the marrying couple sitting in the compound, the time is auspicious. If it passes by the left-hand side it is inauspicious, and the marriage is postponed for some time.
35. To make the bridegroom wait for the bride for some time, seems to be a custom prevalent among many people, Among the Zoroastrians of Persia, when, at the marriage time, the members of the bridegroom's family go to ask her to be present for the marriage, the bride does not go at once. Her relatives keep her away and say that "She has gone to the garden for picking flowers," or that "She has gone to her brother's." When the match is arranged, a few members of the bridegroom's family go to the bride's house to have her final consent. When they ask her, "Are you willing to marry such and such a person?" she is not expected to reply at once. The question is repeated several times, and then finally she replies in the affirmative in a low voice. In some tribes, when the bridegroom's party goes to the bride's, the latter's house is kept closed for sometime and opened after some knocking. Such customs and evasive answers are intended to signify, that it is the husband who seeks the wife and is anxious to have her, and not the wife.
The bridegroom and the bride take their seats facing the East.37 There are two stools on one side of each of the chairs. On these are placed two metallic trays full of rice, which is to be thrown by the officiating priests over the couple while reciting their marriage benedictions. On the stool by the side of the chair on which the bride is to take her seat, stands a small metallic pot containing ghee (clarified butter) and molasses.38
37. "We modern Christians perpetuate this custom of Orientation in the position given to our churches and in turning to the East when we recite the creeds or general assent to the articles of the Christian Faith." {Mrs. Ainsley's Symbolism of the East and West, p. 33). This custom is a relic of the ancient Sun worship that was generally prevalent.
38. Ghee being a soft, slippery substance made out of milk, is considered to be a symbol of gentility, courtesy and obedience. The ancient Roman bride, for similar reasons, applied oil on the threshold of her house when welcoming the bridegroom into her house. Even now, some fond Parsee mothers, while giving a bath to their children on their birthdays apply milk to their bodies. "Have a bath with milk, and be the parent of many sons," is a common form of benediction among Parsee ladies on marriage occasions. Curd, which is a kind of milk production, also plays a prominent part on joyous occasions like birthdays and marriages. Molasses being a sweet substance is a symbol of sweetness and good temer. So these two substances are produced by the family of the bride as symbols of good omen, wishing gentleness, peace and contentment to the couple. After the ceremony, the pot containing these substances and the remaining rice are presented to the family priest.
Then two persons are made to stand before them, one by the side of the bridegroom and the other by that of the bride. These are the marriage witnesses.41 The nearest relations generally stand as witnesses. It is usually married persons, not bachelors, who stand as marriage witnesses.42
As to the ceremony itself, we find, both from the ancient writings and the modern customs, that the following are requisite for a proper [32] marriage.:-
40. These burning-candles remind us of the "bridal torches" of the ancient Greeks, among whom the mother of the bride carried these torches in marriage processions. They were kindled from their family hearths.
41. It is the custom of many nations to have witnesses to testify to the event of marriage. The ancient Hebrews also had two witnesses. The Christians also have two. Among the Romans, the Pontifex Maximus performed the marriage ceremony before the witnesses. In ancient Persia , the nearest relations stood as witnesses. According to Ferdowsi, in the marriage of Siavash with Firangiz, Afrasiab, the father of Firangiz, stood as a witness for his daughter.
42. In the Greek Church of Russia, it is only married priests that can perform the marriage ceremony.
(2) The officiating priest questioned the marrying couple whether they consented to be united in marriage.
(3) He united them by joining their hands, a process known as Hâthevârô, i.e., hand-fastening. A symbolic knot also played a prominent part in the ceremony.
(4) The process uniting them was followed by a benediction which was accompanied with a sprinkling of rice or such other things.
Before being seated by each other's side, the bride and the bridegroom are first seated opposite each other, separated by a piece of cloth held between them as a curtain. Now begins what we may call the religious ceremonies. Two priests present themselves for the performance of these ceremonies. The senior officiating priest gives the right hand of one into the right hand of the other. Then a piece of cloth is passed round the chairs of both so as to enclose them in a circle. The ends of the cloth are tied together. This is, as it were, strictly speaking the tying of the marriage-knot. This is done with the recital of the sacred formula of "Yatha Ahu Vairyo."44
44. A knot is a symbol of love, friendship and faithfulness. In old England, the bride carried, on her gown, a number of ribbon knots which the guests plucked off from her body and carried them with them as tokens of the event. That the custom of tying marriage knots among the Parsees is very ancient appears from Ferdowsi's Shah Nameh where Zal's marriage with Roudâbeh is said to have been celebrated by tying marriage knots. (Bê bastand bandi ba âîn o kîsh.)
In the ceremony of hand-fastening, the raw twist is put round the hands seven times.47 After fastening the hands, the raw twist is passed round the pair seven times, and then, finally, it is passed seven times round the knot of the cloth which passes round their chairs. During all this process, the sacred prayer of Yatha Ahu Vairyo is recited.
46. This reminds us of the custom among ancient Christians, that the marriages generally took place in the parishes in which the couple lived. But when they were performed in other parishes, it was the priest of the parish in which they lived, that took the marriage fee.
47. The number 7 plays a prominent part in this ritual of hand-fastening. Seven was a sacred number among the ancient Persians. There are seven Ameshaspentas, or archangels, seven heavens, and seven Keshwars, i.e., the zones or regions [or continents]. Cf. the seven archangels of the Hebrews and the seven Spirits of the Christians.
The above ceremony of holding the cloth-curtain between the bride and the bridegroom, and then dropping it after the fastening of the hands, signifies that the separation that hitherto existed between them no longer exists now, and that they are now united into the bond of matrimony.48 As long as the curtain was held, they sat opposite each other, but on its removal, they are made to sit side by side. This also signifies that they, who were up to now separate, are now united together.
The putting on of raw twist round the couple seven times also indicates union. The raw twist itself can be easily broken, but when several threads are twined into one, they cannot easily be broken. So it signifies that the tie of union into which the couple is now bound may not easily be broken.
The throwing of the rice by the marrying couple upon each other is watched with great interest by their friends, especially by the ladies, who urge their respective friends, the bridegroom or the bride, to look sharp and throw the rice first when the signal is given. The one that throws rice first over the other is said to win. This is, as it were, a race of love. "Who won, the bridegroom or the bride!"
Then follows the most important or the solemn part, or, what can be called, the strictly religious part of the ceremony. Two officiating priests stand before the couple. The senior priest at first blesses the couple in the following few words:
"May the Creator, the omniscient Lord, grant you a progeny of sons and grandsons, plenty of means to provide yourselves, heart-ravishing friendship, bodily strength, long life and an existence of 150 years!"
Then, he puts the following question to the person, who stands by the side of the bridegroom as a witness to the marriage, on behalf of the bridegroom's family:- "In the presence of this
50. This corresponds to the custom of saying "Amen, Amen" in some of the village churches of England, when, after the third reading of the banns, the clerk of the church says, "God speed them all."
The witness replies: "I have agreed."
Then the following question is put to the witness on the side of the bride: "Have you and your family, with righteous mind, and truthful thoughts, words, and actions, and for the increase of righteousness, agreed to give £or ever this bride in marriage t0 .......?52
Reply: "We have agreed."
Then the priest asks the consent of the couple in the following words: "Have you preferred to enter into this contract of marriage up to the end of your life with righteous mind?"
Both reply: "We have preferred."
To make the matter doubly or trebly sure, the questions are repeated three times.56
52. Here, the particular Parsee day, month, and the year on which the marriage is performed are mentioned.
53. Here, the name of the bride is mentioned.
54. This sum seems to have been fixed in ancient Persia as the sum to be generally presented by the family of the bridegroom to the bride.
55. Here the name of the bridegroom is mentioned.
56 Among the Christians, the banns are proclaimed three times. Among the modern Greeks, the priest, after putting on the blessed ring, declares the marriage three times. He repeats the benediction three times. In some of the tribes of Central Asia, e.g., in Dardistan, the priest asks the marrying couple and the assembled company three times, whether they all consented. In the Greek Church in Russia also, the priest puts a similar question to the couple three times. His question is "Whether they sincerely consent to and approve their marriage, and whether they will love each other for the future as is their bounden duty so to do?" The Knot Tied, by W. Tegg (p. 107).
The first part of the address, consisting of admonitions to the marrying couple, is as follows:-
Asirvad
"By the helping name of Ahura Mazda may your happiness increase. May you be brilliant. Try to do good deeds. Be increasing. Be victorious. Learn to do deeds of piety. Be worthy to do good deeds, Think of nothing but the truth. Speak nothing but the truth, Do nothing but what is proper. Shun all bad thoughts. Shun all bad words. Shun all bad actions, Praise deeds of piety. Commit no acts opposed to piety. Praise the Mazdayasnian religion. Do nothing without mature consideration. Acquire wealth by good means. Say what is true before your superiors, and act according to their orders. Be courteous, sweet-tongued, and kind towards your friends. Do not indulge in scandals. Avoid being angry. Do not commit sins for the sake of avoiding shame. Do not be ambitious. Do not torment others. Do not entertain wicked jealousy. Do not be haughty. Avoid evil thoughts. Avoid evil passions. Deprive not others of their property. Keep yourselves away from the wives of others. Be industrious in following good professions. Do good to the pious and to the virtuous. Do not quarrel with the revengeful. Never be a partner with an ambitious man. Do not become a companion of a back-biter or a scandal-monger. Do not join the company of persons of ill-fame. Do not cooperate with the i1l-informed. Fight with your enemies only by fair means. Treat your friends in a way ageeable to them, Do not enter into any discussion with persons [38] of ill-fame. Speak in an assembly after great consideration. Speak with moderation in the presence of kings. Be more giorious than your father. In no way annoy your mother. Keep yourselves pure by means of truth. Be immortal like Kaikhosru. Be well informed like Kaus. Be as brilliant as the Sun. Be as pure as the Moon. Be as illustrious as Zarathushtra. Be as strong as Rustam. Be as fertile as the Earth. As soul is united with body, so may you be united and friendly with your friends, brothers, wife, and children. Always keep good faith, and preserve a good character. Recognise only Ahura Mazda, the Omniscient Lord, as your God. Praise Zoroaster as your spiritual leader. Treat Ahriman, the evil spirit, with contempt."
After the above admonitions, follow a few benedictions, in the first part of which the priests pray to God to confer upon the couple, certain moral and social virtues which are said to be the characteristics of the Yazatas ([yazads] angels) who give their names to the thirty days of the month.
"May Ahura Mazda bestow upon you good thoughts through Bahman [Vohuman], good words through Ardwahisht, good actions through Shzhrewar, perfect thought through Spandarmad, sweetness through Hordad, fruitfulness through Amurdad. May God bestow upon you increasing lustre through Adar, purity through Aban, exalted position through Khwarshed, increase through the cow-like Mohor, liberality through Tir [Tishtar], temperate habits through Gosh. May God bestow upon you pure justice through Mihr, obedience through Srosh, truthfulness through Rashnu, increase of strength through Frawardin, victory through Behram [Warharan], constant delight through Ram, strong power through Gowad. May God bestow upon you knowledge through Din, collection of wealth through Ashishwangh, a number of good talents through Ashtad, great activity through Asman, firmness of place through Jamyad, good sight through Marespand, and nourishment of body through Aneran."
"Oh, you good men! May that come to you which is still better for you than good, since you find yourself worthy as a Zaota (a pious and virtuous man). May you receive the reward which is earned by the Zaota as one who thinks, speaks, and does much good. May that come to you which is better than good. May that not come to you which is worse than evil. Oh good men! May that accrue to you which is better than good. May your relations be worthy of goodness. May you get that reward of which you have made yourself worthy. May good accrue to you as the result of perfect good thought, perfect good words, and perfect good actions. May that piety come to you which is better than good. May not that sinful life, which is worse than evil, come to you. May it be so as I pray. May the much desired Airyaman come for joy to the good mind of Zoroastrian men and women. May he grant the desirable reward according to the law of an purities. I prefer that purity which is considered the best by Ahura Mazda. Righteousness is the best gift and happiness. Happiness to him who is righteous for the sake of best righteousness.
"May they (i.e., the marrying couple) have light and glory, physical strength, physical health and physical victory, wealth that may give a good deal of happiness, children blessed with innate wisdom, a very long life, and the brilliant happy paradise, which is due to the pious. May it be so as I wish it."
Then are recited a few benedictions in which certain departed worthies of ancient Iran are mentioned by name, and it is wished, that the pair may be blessed with the virtues and characteristics which had made them famous. Certain grand objects of Nature also are mentioned, and it is wished that the couple may be blessed with the physical qualities
"By the name of God, I bless you in the City of Bombay58 as was the wont of our forefathers in Iran. May all your desires be fulfilled as were those of God in the creation of the world. May you be as great in dignity as king Kaikhosru.59 May you be as friendly as angel Mihr, as victorious over your enemies as Zarir, as handsome as Siavakhsh, as splendid as Bejan, as pious as King Gushtasp, as strong as Sam Nariman, as powerful as Rustam, as good a lancer as Aspandiar, as good a helper of religion and far-seeing as Jamasp, as holy as the Holy Spirits, as generous as Tishtrya, as sweet as rain-water, as brilliant as the Sun, as righteous as Zoroaster, endowed with a life as long as Time that rules over the world, as fertile as the Earth, as united as a river united with a sea, as full of joy as Winter, as gay as Spring, as fragrant as musk, as well-known as gold, as current (i.e. favourite) as a coin, as good a doer of virtuous deeds as God in his creation. May these good wishes be fulfilled. May you be as useful as the Sun, the Moon, Water, Fire, Wine, Myrtle, Jasmine, Rose, and the sweet Marjoram. May ....... and.......60 with their children and their progeny live for a thousand years. Be fragrant and good as the basil and the amber. May you have such pious children as may be illustrious, and victorious over enemies, and as may add to the glory of the family. May it be so as I wish it."
A part of the address is, if so desired by the family, repeated in Sanskrit: They say, that when the Parsees first emigrated to India, in order to make it intelligible to the Hindu Raja and his courtiers who had given them a home on the Indian soil, they repeated the address in
59. Kavi Husrava of the Avesta. For this and other proper names mentioned here, vide my Dictionary of Avesta Proper Names.
60. Here are mentioned the names of the bride and the bridegroom.
Then follow another set of benedictions in the Pazand language known as Tan-Dorosti. The following is a free translation of these benedictions:-
"By the name of the bountiful, merciful and kind God, who is a kind and just Lord, May .......61 have health and long life. May they be worthy of piety and splendour. O Omniscient Lord! let joy and pleasure, ease and plenty reach them and let Divine light and royal justice reach them. May they have courage and victory. May they be firm in their knowledge of the good Mazdayasnian religion by means of honest endeavour and good demeanour. May good relationship, the birth of children and long happy life be their lot. May their body be blessed with happiness and their soul with good government. O Omniscient Creator! May the religion of Zoroaster prosper. — Amen. O Great God! May you grant long life, happiness and health to the ruler of our land, to the community and to .......61 Grant them all these for many years to enable them to help the worthy. Give them a long life for many generations. May there be thousands of blessings upon them. May the year be happy, the month auspicious and the day propitious. Grant that for several years, several days, and several months, they may be found worthy and fit to perform religious rites and deeds of charity. Keep them pure for works of righteousness. May health, virtue, and goodness be their share. May it be so. May it be more so, as is the wish of God and His Archangels."
The first observance of that kind is that of uniting Chheda
cheddi, )window.location='http://www.avesta.org/ritual/rcc42.gif')
i.e. of fastening the skirt
of the garments of the couple.62 The nearest
friend or relation of the couple ties the skirts
of the jâmâ (the flowing dress) of the
bridegroom with that of the sâree of the bride. Thus united,
the bride goes to the house of the bridegroom. The process
of fastening the skirts is accompanied by a song. This custom also
signifies the act of uniting the two into the bond of marriage.
The next rite was that of making the couple partake of food from the same dish.65 In doing so, each gives to the other, morsels of food of which dahi or curd form a part. This rite signifies that now, being
64. "At Hindoo weddings, the brother or nearest relative of the bride hides the bridegroom's shoes and will not restore them until the bridegroom pays him at least a rupee and a quarter. (The Shoe, a Moral Essay, by Mr. Tribhuvandas Mangaldas, p. 5).
65. Among the ancient Romans, one of the forms of marriage was confarreatio which was "a ceremony in which the bridegroom and bride tasted a cake made of flour with salt and water in the presence of the high priest and at least ten witnesses. This rite was said to symbolize the community of life, of property, of family worship, that henceforth united them." Among the Roman Patricians, many generally resorted to this form of marriage, and the couple was made to sit on one and the same piece of leather prepared from the skin of a sheep killed for the marriage sacrifice. The bridal cake of Christian marriages seems to be a relic of the ancient Roman custom. Colonel Dalton in his Ethnography, gives several instances of tribes that have still prevalent among them this custom of making the couple eat together. As the Romans sat on one and the same piece of leather in their "confarreatio," so, some of the tribes sit together on one and the same piece of cloth. Among the ancient Hebrews, the couple were made to drink from one and the same cup of wine which was consecrated and blessed by the Rabi (W. Tegg, p. 54). In Russia and Scandinavia also, the couple are required to drink wine from the same cup. In Hesse, the couple eat from the same plate and drink from the same cup. According to a writer of the Asiatic Quarterly Review, in old Lombardy, the only marriage rite was this, that the marriage couple drank from the same cup and kissed each other. Latterly, when the clergy protested against this simple rite without any religious element in it, the benedictions from the priest and a sermon were added to it. Among the Melanasians, the couple gave each other three morsels from a dish called "sagomash." The bride then gave a little tobacco to the bridegroom who, in his turn, gave a betelnut to the bride. (Featherman, p. 32).
Another peculiar custom, now almost obsolete. is that of making the couple play Eki Beki which is a form of play. Both have several rupees in their hands. One, without letting the other know, takes a certain number in the right hand, and asks the other whether the number is eki (odds} or beki (even). If the other guesses the number right, he or she is said to win. Perhaps the signification is the same as that in the rite of throwing the rice referred to above, wherein the one who won, guaranteed, as it were, his or her desire to love the other more ardently than she or he would do.
[45] A nuptial song is sung at the close of the wedding ceremony. After the celebration of the marriage, the bride accompanies the husband to his house. A nuptial song is sung by the ladies, when the bride is taken to her husband's house, and another is sung when the bride enters the house of her husband.
After the celebration of the solemn part of the marriage ceremony, most of the guests were entertained at a marriage feast. The following were the toasts generally proposed at Parsee marriage feasts:-
- Yazdân-ni yâd, i.e., In remembrance of God.
- The married couple.
- The sacred fire temples. May their Sacred fires burn for ever. May they be the means of helping all.
- The guests.
- The host.
- His Majesty the King.
All, or some of these, except the fifth, are proposed according to the directions of the host, and some one among the guests proposes that of the host. At some marriage feasts, a piously inclined host adds to the above list that of the dear departed ones as "Asho Farohar ni yâd," i.e., "the remembrance of the pious departed ones." In other communal feasts, while proposing this toast, and the first on the list, viz., that in remembrance of the sacred name of God, fragrant frankincense is ordered to be placed on the family hearth. No speeches are made while proposing them. At large gatherings, there are professional health-proposers. Loud and clear voice is their only qualification for the work. They simply give out the toast with a loud voice, and at times, when the dining parties are very large, they go round the tables, repeating the words for giving the toasts several times, so that all may hear. These toasts are drunk generally while dining, not at the end of the dinner.
Divorce
In connection with this subject of marriage, we will say a few words here on the subject of divorce and on that of adultery, which generally leads to it.
It appears, that in ancient Iran, a husband was entitled to have a divorce from his wife in case of adultery. Besides adultery, aggravated perpetual quarrels also seemed to be a legitimate cause of seeking divorce. The parties had to go to court for a divorce.67 There seemed to be a set form of speech for the husband to give divorce.68 The Pahlavi word for divorce is zan-tajâ.69
Another cause of divorce on the part of the husband was the sterility of the wife. To be the father of children, being considered a good, important and religious act, it is natural that this was thought to be a valid cause. It was considered a valid reason, even in India upto so late as about 50 years ago. There was no clear divorce, until the wife wished to have one in
67. Dastur Peshotan's Denkard, Vol. II, Chap. LXXX, 16 pp. 98-99.
S.B.E, XVIII, pp. 4O6-47.
68. S.B.E. XVIII, p. 407.
69. Ibid. p. 419.
A passage in Herodotus also leads us to the same conclusion (Bk. IX, III). Xerxes asks his brother Masistes to divorce his wife. Masistes urges, as a reason not to do so, that she had borne him many children.
The Parsees, now-a-days, are governed by the Parsi Marriage and Divorce Act (Act No. XV of 1865) passed on the 7th April 1865. According to that Act, the following serve as grounds for a divorce (sections 27-30):-
"1. Lunacy or mental unsoundness, at time of marriage, of which one of the contracting parties did not know.
2. Impotency.
3. Continual absence of one of the parties for seven years, without being heard of as alive.
4. Adultery of the wife.
5. Adultery, or bigamy with adultery, or adultery with cruelty, or adultery with wilful desertion for two years or upwards, or rape or unnatural offence, of the husband."70
Adultery
Adultery is the principal cause that leads to divorce. "The Avesta raises its voice with great force against misconduct in every form and lays down very wise restrictions to assure lawful birth."71 It looks with dislike even at marriages between persons of unequal
71. Avesta, par C. De Harlez, Introduction, p. CLXXI.
In the Gatha Vahishtoishti (Yasna LIII, 7), there is a carefully worded warning against, what Dr. Mills calls, 'solicitations to vice.'72 There, it is said: "But yours be the recompense, (O ye righteous women!) of this great cause. For while lustful desire heart-inflamed from the body there beyond goeth down where the spirit of evil reaches (to ruin, still) ye bring forth the champion to help on the cause, (and thus conquer temptation), etc."73
The female Yazata Ashi (Yasht XVII, 47-60) complains bitterly against this vice. She says that it "is the worst deed that men and tyrants do,"74 when they seduce maidens from their path of virtue. In some parts of the Avesta and in the Pahlavi books, this vice is personified as 'Jahi.'
The Yazata Haoma is entreated to withstand the evil influence of vicious women, whose lustful wavering soul is like a cloud which often changes the direction of its motion according to the direction of the wind (Yasna IX, 32). The Amesha-Spenta Asha Vahishta (Best Righteousness) is similarly entreated. (Yasht III, 9). An adulterer or adulteress is, as it were, an opponent of Gao, the good spirit. of the Earth or of the animal creation, the idea being, that such a person comes in the way of the progress of the world (Vendidad XXI, 1). The progress of the world in the different spheres of activity, physical and
73. Ibid, p. 193.
74. S.B.E. XXIII, p. 281.
In the Pahlavi Dadestan-i-Denig (71st question),76 adultery is spoken of as one of the most heinous sins. The mother of Zohak is said to be the first woman in the world, who committed this offence. It is said to be a sin which disturbs all lineage, which puts an end to all control upon one's desires and to the legitimate authority of a husband. It is more heinous than theft or spoliation (77th question).77 It is a crime which leads at times to murder, because the woman brings about abortion at times.78 There is another way in which adultery leads to murder. It is noted in our account of pregnancy,79 that sexual intercourse during pregnancy is prohibited, because it is thought that it leads to an injury to the life of the child in the womb. Now, a woman, who yields to lust and gives herself up to an adulterous life, is likely to commit adultery, even in pregnancy. Such sexual intercourse may cause the loss of the life of the child in the womb.80
Again, adultery is a canker in society in another way. When a man commits adultery with a woman, he, according to the injunction of the Vendidad, is bound to support the woman whom he has seduced and the children that may be born of the illicit intercourse. It is his duty to bring up his illegitimate
76. S.B.E. Vol. XVIII, Chap. LXXII, 5.
77. Ibid, Chap. LXXVIII, 3.
78. Ibid, p. 5.
79. Vide above, p. 3, "Birth Ceremonies."
80. Dadestan-i Denig, 77th Question, Chap. LXXVIII, 6.
The sin of adultery is very heinous in itself. But what little atonement can be done for it can be done by the following good acts:-
(a) The guilty person, especially the adulterer, must help by money or otherwise, in bringing about the marriage of four poor couples. (b) He must assist with money poor children who are not cared for by others and bring them up decently and educate them. (c) If he sees others in society leading a vicious life, he must do his best to retrieve them. (d) He must perform certain religious rites like those of the Dvâzdeh-Homâst.
In the Viraf-Nameh the adulterer is represented as punished by being thrown in a steaming brazen cauldron (Chap. LX), and the adulteress as gashing her own bosom and breasts with an iron comb. (Chap. LXII).83 The adulteress who brings about abortion, meets with worse punishment. (Chap. LXIV).
In all cases of adultery, the Vendidad (XV.18) enjoined, that the person seducing a woman, whether married or unmarried, should maintain her, and the children that may be born of her, until they come to age. Any attempt at desertion was considered a great sin (Vend. XV, 11-14).
The Pahlavi Madigan-i-Hazar Dadistan named the Social Code of the Parsees
by Prof. Darmesteter, and proposed to be called a Law-book (Rechts buch) by
Prof. Bartholomae is a book of a judicial type containing old Iranian Laws
on marriage and cognate subjects.
82. Ibid, 1-9.
83. Hoshang-Haug-West, Viraf Nameh, pp. 186-87.
CHAPTER III. FUNERAL CEREMONIES AND CUSTOMS.
We will treat the subject of the Funeral Ceremonies and observances under two heads: (I.) The Ceremonies that relate to the disposal of the body, and (II.) Those that relate to the soul.
I. Ceremonies that relate to the disposal of the body.
The main principle, at the bottom of the Parsee custom of disposing of the dead and at the bottom of all the strictly religious ceremonies enjoined therewith, is this that the body, when the immortal soul has left it, should, preserving all possible respect for the dead, be disposed of in a way the least harmful and the least injurious to the living. For properly understanding the Parsee ceremonies that relate to the disposal of the body, one must look to the ancient Zoroastrian ideas of sanitation, segregation, purification, and cleanliness as expressed in the Vendidad, one of their Avesta Scriptures.
As Prof. Darmesteter (Zend Avesta II) says, all the ceremonies of this order can be summed up in two words, which are the same as those which sum up today all the prophylactic measures in the case of an epidemic, viz., (1) to break the contact of the living with the real or supposed centre of infection; (2) to destroy this centre itself. Though all do not die of an infectious disease, it is dangerous and difficult to leave it into the hands or all, to distinguish which case is infectious and which not. So, for the sake of precaution and safety, it seems to
Again, an idea of simplicity is observed in these ceremonies. Sâdi, the Persian poet, says:
Chun âhang-i-raftan kunad jân-i-pâki.e., when the pious soul thinks of departing, it is all the same, whether one dies on a throne or on bare ground. The Parsee custom of the disposal of the dead illustrates, as it were, the above words of the poet. The method of carrying the body for disposal, from beginning to end, is the same for all.
chê bar takht murdan chê bar rui-i-khâk.
When a person's case is given up, the relations begin to make
preparations for the disposal of the body.
At first, a part of the house on the down-floor,
where the body is to be placed before its
removal to the Towers, is washed clean with
water. The shroud or the dress with which the body is to be
covered is also washed beforehand in the house. The shroud
or the dress with which the body is covered is white and made
of cotton. It need not be new. Old clothes may be used
for the purpose after being washed. Unnecessary wastage of
clothes over the dead bodies is forbidden. (Vendidad, V. 60).
In the Vendidad (XII, 1-19), a shorter period or mourning is enjoined to the surviving relations of a righteous person (Dahma) than to those of a sinful person (Tanu-peretha). According to tradition, the Dahma or the righteous in this case is one who has said his repentance prayer or recited the Ashem Vohu; and the Tanu-peretha or the sinful is one who has not said that prayer or recited that formula. A longer period of mourning is enjoined for the sinful, because, in his case, the surviving dear ones have not only to mourn his loss, but have to mourn for the fact that he has not led a good life, and as such has to meet with punishment.3
3. Cf. the words of Hamlet's ghost:-
"Cut off even in the blossoms of my sin,
Unhousel'd, unanointed, unanel'd
No reckoning made, but sent to my account
With an my imperfections on my head. (Act I, Sc. V).
Cf. "Tears for the dead, who die in sin,
And tears for living crime;
Tears for the lost — but Heaven's own voice
Says for the Christian dead — Rejoice." - Fewsbury.
Cf. "Come, come; no time for lamentation now;
Not much more cause. ....
Nothing is here for tears, Nothing to wail,
.... Nothing but well and fair.
And what may quiet us for death so noble."
After this time, the dead body is supposed to fall under the influence of Druj-i-Nasush, i.e., the evil influence of Decomposition or Destruction. It is considered that to touch the body then is dangerous for the living, lest they should catch contagion and spread disease. Only the corpse-bearers are allowed to come into contact with the body. If somebody else touches the body, he has to go through a process of purification or a sacred bath taken under the directions of a priest.
The body is now given in charge of two persons who are generally trained to their work. They are first required to take a bath and put on a clean suit of clothes. They perform the Kusti,6 i.e., ungird the sacred thread and put it on again with a prayer, and then recite a part of the Srosh-baj prayer. Then holding a paywand between them they enter the room where the corpse is placed.
The Paywand.
To hold a paywand means to be in close contact or touch with each other. This is done when two persons hold a piece of cloth or cotton tape between them. This is intended to show that they are associated or united in doing a thing and are ready to co-operate and sympathise with each other. When these two persons enter into the room, holding the 'paywand' between them, the two relations who are sitting by the side of the deceased leave their places and entrust the body to them. They place the body on the ground on a clean white sheet of cloth and put on the shroud over it. The whole of the body except the face is covered with
The corpse is then lifted from its place by the above-mentioned two persons and put on slabs of stones in a corner of the front room. The hands are arranged upon the chest crosswise. In some of the towns of Gujarat, the old Avestic method of placing the dead body on a plot of ground previously dug in the house, instead of on slabs of stone is still in practice. The ground is dug out a few inches deep and a layer of sand is spread over it. The corpse is placed on the ground thus prepared (Vendidad, V, 11; VIII, 8). The body is placed on the ground or on the slabs in a position which would avoid the head pointing towards the North.
In all the ceremonies of the Parsees, the north side is as a rule generally avoided. The children while going through the naojote [navjote] ceremony for the purpose of putting on the sacred shirt [sudre] and thread [kusti], the marrying couple going through the Ashirvad or marriage ceremony, and the priests in all their religious rites and ceremonies never face the North. This is due to the fact that the ancient Iranians, the ancestors of the Parsees, had a natural hatred for the North, from which side proceeded all kinds of dangers and evils whether climatic, physical or mental. The Vendidad (VII, 2, 5) says that the Druj-i-Nasush, i.e., spirit of Destruction runs from the northern direction in the form of a fly. Even the wind from the northern direction was believed to be stinking (Yasht Fragment, XXII, Hadokht Nask, III, 18).8 The winds from the northern cold
8. Haug's text and translation in the Book of Arda Viraf, p. 315.
After placing the corpse on slabs of stones, one of the two persons, draws round the body three Kashas9 or circles with a metallic bar or a nail. This is intended to show that the ground within the circle is temporarily set apart for the corpse, and that nobody is to go to that part of the ground lest he should catch infection.
In ancient Persia, almost all houses were provided with
separate apartments for placing the corpse
before its removal to the Towers of Silence [dahkma].
In the case of the poor who could not afford
to have such separate apartments there was a separate house for
the purpose in every street. The poor carried their dead to
such houses before removing them to the Towers. "Ahura Mazda
[58]
said: 'In every house, in every street, they should make
three katas (separate parts of ground) for the dead' ". (Vend., V., p. 10).
9. Vide my paper on "Iranian kashas and the Boundary lines of the Roman Lustrum" (Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, Vol, VIII, pp. 520-30. My Anthropological Papers, Part I., pp. 331-39),
It is said that even now, such separate houses are provided in
the Parsee streets in Persia where the parties take their dead
and perform the funeral ceremonies before removing them to
the Towers of Silence. Such houses are known as "margzâd" [mortuary].
Up to late, some of the mofussil towns of Gujarat had such
separate houses for the dead in Parsee streets. They were
known as Nasâkhânâs, i.e., the houses
for the dead bodies. Every Parsee town has a Nassâ-Khânâ,
but now it is generally used as a depot for the biers, the slabs of
stones above referred to, the shrouds and such other requisites for
the removal of the dead. The Bahman Yasht (Chap. II, p. 38) speaks
of it as Nasâi-kata10 (corpse-chamber).
The Sagdid
One of the ceremonies is that of the Sagdid. The word 'Sagdid' is made up of sag, a dog, and did, sight, and means "the sight of a dog." A [59] dog, usually a four-eyed (Chathru-chashma) dog, i.e., a dog with two eye-like spots just above the eyes, is made to see the corpse.11
As regards the purpose why the sagdid is performed, various reasons are assigned: (a) Some say that the particular class of the spotted (chathru-chashma, or the four-eyed) dog had the characteristic of detecting whether life in the body of a man was extinct or not. It stared steadily at the body if life was extinct, and did not look at it at all if life was not altogether extinct. Thus the purpose for the sagdid among the ancient Iranians was to ascertain, before the disposal of the body, whether life was really extinct. (b) Others, as Dr. Haug says, attributed the sagdid to some supposed magnetic influence in the eyes of the dog. (c) There were others who connected the sagdid of the dog, which of all animals is the most faithful to his master, with the idea of loyalty and gratitude that must exist between the living and the dear departed ones. (d) M. Abel Hovelacque thinks that the respect which the Mazdayasnians professed for the dog may be due either to a recollection of ancient belief of which the correct meaning may have been
(a) Compare the Chathru-chashma of the Avesta with the "four-eyed dogs" of the Rig-Veda (10th Mandala) which guarded the way to Yama'a abode;
"Fear not to pass the guards — The four-eyed brindled dogs — that watch for the departed".
Mon. Williams Indian Wisdom (1876, p. 22).
(b) Among the ancient Romans, Lares of the departed virtuous, were represented in pictures with a dog tied to their legs. This was intended to show, that as the dogs watched faithfully at the door of their masters, so the Lares watched the interests of tho family to whioh they belonged,
(c) The peope of the West Indies bave a notion among them of the dogs accompanying the departed dead. Cf. the following lines of Pope;
"Even the poor Indian whose untutored mind
Sees God in clouda or bears him in the wind;
Thinks admitted to yon equal sky
His faithful dog shall bear him company."
"For that fell beast whose spite thou wailest o'er,(Divine Comedy, Hell, Ch. I, ll. 94-102; Dr. Plumptre's Translation.)
Let no man onward pass along her way.
. . . . .
Many the creatures are that with her wed,
And will be more until the greyhound come;
Who with sharp agony shall smite her dead."
In these lines, the greyhound is considered as the deliverer of Italy. He is the symbol of the destroyer of the passions of sensual enjoyment, pride and avarice which are represented by the leopard, the lion, and the wolf.13
13. For the various beliefs about the dog, vide "The Dog in Myth and Customs" by E. T. Leith (Journal of the Anthropological Soeiety of Bombay, Vol. III, pp. 302-306 and pp. 360-362). Vide my paper on "The Tibetan Mode of the Disposal of the Dead. Some side-light thrown by it on some of the details of the Iranian mode as described in the Vendidad. A study" in the Sir J. J. Z. Madressa Jubilee Volume, edited by me, pp. 347-35.
The Sagdid is performed twice during the process of putting on the shroud and is repeated in every Gah15, as long as the corpse is in the house. It is repeated just when the new Gah begins. It is enjoined that in case a dog is not procurable, the Sagdid of flesh-devouring birds like the crows and vultures may be allowed; that is to say, it will do, if a flesh-eating bird happens to pass and see the corpse from above.
After the first sagdid, fire is brought into the room in a vase
and is kept burning with fragrant sandalwood
and frankincense. This is done with a
view to destroy the invisible germs of disease that may be floating
in the air in the room where the corpse is placed before its
removal to the Tower of Silence [dakhma]. We read the following in the
Vendidad (VIII, 79, 80) about this sanitary use of fire: "O holy
Zarathushtra! If one carries with purity (for the fire) the
aêsma (i.e., the wood) of the plant Urvâsna, or Vohugaôna,
or Vohukêrêti, or Hadhânaêpata16, or any other
fragrant tree, the fire of Ahura Mazda goes to fight a thousand times against
the invisible evil daevas17 in all the directions in which the wind
spreads the fragrance of the fire."
15. The Gahs are the five different periods of the day. The first Gah, Hawan, begins with the dawn of the day and ends at twelve noon or midday. The second, Rapithwin, runs from twelve noon to three o'clock in the afternoon. The third, Uzerin, begins at three and continues until it is dark. The fourth, Aiwisruthrem, commences from when it is dark, and lasts upto midnight. The fifth Gah Ushahin, commences from midnight, and lasts upto the dawn of the day.
16. "Or, the flesh-eating birds fly in the direction." (Vend. VII, 3.)
17. All these are species of fragrant plants, the burning of the wood of which destroyed germs of disease.
18. The word 'daêva' is used in the Avesta for all evil influences or things, whether physical, mental, or moral.
The corpse may be removed to the Tower [dakhma] at any time during
the day. As it is enjoined that "the Mazdayasnians should expose the body to the
Sun," (Vend. V, 13), the removal of the body at night is strictly
forbidden. If death takes place early at night, the body is removed
the next morning; but, if it takes place late at night or early in
the morning, it is removed in the afternoon. In the case of an
accidental death, a long interval is generally allowed. The Vendidad
{VII, 4-5) says, that in a such a case, the decomposition does not commence
as early as in the case of a body that was suffering from illness, but
commences after one Gah, or one period of the day; and so, it is not
detrimental to the health of the living to keep the body some time longer.
20. Vide above, p. 54.
21. Perhaps from Pers. gâh bed, meaning the last bed.
The recital of the Bâj.
The corpse-bearers, on entering the house, place the bier by The recital of the the side of the corpse and then "take the Baj."22 They then recite a formula in a suppressed tone which says:
"(We do this) according to the dictates of Ahura Mazda, according to the dictates of the Amesha Spentas, according to the dictates of the holy Sraosha, according to the dictates of Adarbad Marespand [Mahraspandan],23 and according to the dictates of the Dastur of the age."24
By the recital of this formula, known as the Dasturi formula, they
declare that they undertake to perform all the ceremonies for
the disposal of the dead as enjoined in the religious books and
as directed by the Head-priest of the time. Then they sit
silent by the side of the corpse. If they have at an any
occasion to speak, they speak with a kind of suppressed tone,
without opening the lips, which is said to be speaking in baj.
23. He was a well-known Dastur or Head priest of the Sasanian times, and took an active part in the renaissance of the Zoroastrian religion after the long period of ignorance in the times of the Parthians.
24. Here they recite the name of the Head-priest, if there be one, of the time at the town.
The Geh-Sarna [geh-sarnu] prayer
Then follows the "Gêh-Sârnâ" ceremony, i.e., the recital of
the Gatha. Its recital was intended as a
sermon and exhortation to give moral courage
to the survivors to bear up with fortitude the loss of the
deceased and as a protection against the spread of disease.
[65]
We read the following on this point in the Vendidad (X, 1, 2):
"Zarathushtra asked Ahura Mazda: 'O Ahura Mazda! Most
beneficent Spirit! Holy Creator of the material world! How
are we to stand against the druj (evil influence) which runs from
the dead to the living? How are we to stand against the nasu
{evil influence) which carries infection from the dead to the
living?' Then Ahura Mazda replied: 'Recite those words which
are spoken twice in the Gathas.' " The words referred to in this
quotation occur in a passage in the beginning of the Ahunavaiti Gatha.
26. Vide above, p. 56 n 7.
27. Vide above, p. 64.
28. It seems, that at one time, in Persia, and even in India, the Geh-sarnu prayer at the house was finished at this part of the recital and the body was removed to the Tower [dakhma], the rest of the prayer being recited on the way to the Tower. (Vide my paper on "The Geh-sarna Recital as enjoined and as recited about 150 years ago," in the Sir J. J. Z. Madressa Jubilee Volume, edited by me, pp 415-20.)
Geh-sarnu ceremony of pregnant women.
If the deceased person is a pregnant woman in the fifth month
of her pregnancy when the child is supposed
to have some life, the geh-sarna ceremony is
enjoined to be performed by two pairs of
priests. The sagdid, above referred to, is also by two dogs, one for
[66]
the woman and the other for the child. Again the body also is
to be carried out of the house by two pairs of Nassasalars
(Shayest Ne-Shayest, X, 1029; (Sad-Dar LXX, 5.30).
30. S.B.E., Vol. XXIV. p. 335.
The last look
When the recital of the Gatha is finished, the final Sagdid31
is performed, and then the relations and
friends of the deceased who have by this
time assembled at the house, have a last look of the deceased.
In such an assembly, the females assemble in the house, and the
males outside the house or in the street. The males, one by one,
pass before the corpse, have a last look, and out of respect make
a bow, which process is called sijda.
Removal from the house.
When all have had their last look and paid their respects, the
corpse-bearers cover up with a piece of cloth
the face of the deceased which was up to
now open, and secure the body to the bier, with a few straps
of cloth so that it may not fall on being lifted up and carried.
They then carry the bier out of the house and entrust it to the
Khândhiâs who are, as said above,32 another class of corpse-bearers
whose only business is to carry the bier of the corpse on
their shoulders from the house to the Tower [dakhma]. The number of
these carriers varies according to the weight of the body to be
carried. Before lifting up the body, these carriers also "take
the baj" and arrange themselves in pairs of two holding the
paywand between them.
Gomez, or cow's urine as a purifier or disinfectant.
Immediately after the removal of the body from the house,
Gomez, i.e., the urine of the cow, is be-sprinkled
over the slabs of stone on which the
body was placed and over the way by which
[67]
the corpse-bearers carried the body out of the house. The
slabs of stone are now generally removed from the house immediately
after the removal of the body.33
35. According to Dr. Eugene Wilhelm, many other ancient nations besides the Persians used cow's urine as a disinfectant. Vide Dr. Wilhelm's paper "On the use of Beef's Urine, according to the precepts of the Avesta and on similar customs with other nations." According to Dr. Haug, the peasants of several parts of Europe, even now, use cow's urine for a similar purpose. (Haug's Essays on the Parsees, 2nd Edition, p. 286). "The use of gomez has been lately found to be known in Basse-Bretagne (Luzel, Le Nirang des Parsisen Basse-Bretagne, Melusine, 493)" Darmesteter. S.B.E. IV, 1st ed. Introd. p. LXXXVIII n. 3.
The Funeral Procession.
When the bier leaves the house, out of respect for the deceased,
all the male relations and friends of thc family
that have assembled at the house of the
deceased, or at times only the elders, follow the bier for some
[68]
distance from the house or upto the end of the street. There,
they make a last bow to the deceased and stand aside, giving way to those
relations and friends who wish to accompany the funeral procession to the
Tower of Silence [dakhma]. These follow the bier at a distance of, at least,
thirty paces. The rest of the assembly now disperse. Before entering into
their houses or places of business, they wash their face and other exposed
parts of their body and perform the kusti. All those who go with the
funeral procession to the Tower are clothed in full white dress. They
arrange themselves in pairs of two, hold a paywand between them,
take the baj and silently march to the Tower. The procession is
headed by two priests. On this point we read in the Vendidad (VIII, 14, 19-21):
"O Holy Creator of the material world! How does the road over which a
dead man is carried become passable for cattle, etc.?" ... (Reply) "First,
the Athravan (i.e., the priest) should pass by the road, reciting
the victorious words (of Yatha Ahu Vairyo and Kem-na Mazda)."
The Disposal in the Tower.
When the bier reaches the Tower, at first it is put on the
ground outside and the Nassasalars uncover
the face of the body. Those who have accompanied the
funeral procession pay their respects and have a last
look from a distance of at least three paces. Then sagdid is once
more performed and that for the last time. In the meantime, the
gate of the Tower which is kept locked with a metallic lock is
opened. The Nassasalars who had fetched the corpse out of the
house and entrusted it to the carriers and who have accompanied
the corpse, now resume charge of the body. They lift up the
bier and carry it into the Tower. They remove the body from
the bier and place it on one of the 'pâvis'.36
They then tear off the clothes from the body of the diseased and
leave it (the body) on the floor of the Tower. We read on this point
in the Vendidad (VIII, 10) "Two powerful persons may carry
[69]
him and place him naked without any clothes on this earth,
on clay, bricks, stone and mortar." The body must be exposed
and left partly uncovered, so as to draw towards it the eye
of the flesh-devouring birds and to fall an easy prey to them.
The sooner it is devoured, the lesser the chance of further
decomposition and the greater the sanitary good and safety.
The clothes removed from the corpse are never used for, any
purpose whatever, but are thrown in a pit outside the Tower,
where they are destroyed by the combined action of heat, air,
and rain. In Bombay they are further destroyed with sulphuric acid.
The Tower [dakhma]
A short description of the Tower of Silence37 will not be out
of place here. The Tower of Silence wherein
the dead bodies are exposed to the sun
and to the flesh-eating birds, is generally built on the top of a
hill or on an elevated ground. We read on this point in the
Vendidad: "O Holy Creator of the material world! where
are we to carry the bodies of the dead? O Ahura Mazda! where are
we to place them?" Ahura Mazda replied: "O Spitama Zarathushtra!
on the most elevated place" (Vend. VI. 44-45).
On such an elevated place, an isolated spot, away from human
dwellings, is chosen for the Tower. Its construction all along is
just in accord with the view held in the performance of the
ceremonies for the disposal of the dead, viz., the sanitary
view, which enjoins that, while disposing of the dead body with all
respect due to the deceased, no injury or harm should be done to the
living. The Tower is a round massive structure built throughout of solid
stone. A few steps from the ground lead to an iron gate which opens on
a circular platform of solid stone with a circular well in the centre.
The following is a short description of a Bombay tower as given by
Mr. Nusserwanjee Byramjee, the late energetic Secretary of the public
charity funds and properties of the Parsee community.
"First row for corpses of males.
"Second row for corpses of females.
"Third row for corpses of children.
"The clothes wrapped round the corpses are removed and destroyed immediately after they are placed in the Tower — 'Naked we come into this world and naked we ought to 1eave it.'
"There are footpaths for corpse-bearers to move about. A deep central well (bhandâr) in the Tower, about 150 feet in circumference (the sides and bottom of which are also paved with stone slabs) is used for depositing the dry bones. The corpse is completely stripped of its flesh by vultures within an hour or two, and the bones of the denuded skeleton, when perfectly dried up by atmospheric influences and the powerful heat of the tropical sun, are thrown into this well, where they gradually crumble to dust, chiefly consisting of lime and phosphorus;- thus the rich and the poor meet together on one level of equality after death.
"There are holes in the inner sides of the well through which the rain water is carried into four underground drains at the base of the Tower. These drains are connected with four underground wells, the bottoms of which are covered with a thick layer of sand. Pieces of charcoal and sandstone are also placed at the end of each drain, which are renewed from time to time. These double sets of filters are provided for purifying the rain water passing over the bones before it enters the ground — thus observing one of the tenets of the Zoroastrian religion that 'The Earth shall not be defiled.'
"The vultures (nature's scavengers) do their work much more expeditiously than millions of insects would do, if dead bodies were buried in the ground. By this rapid process, putrefaction [72] with all its concomitant evils, is most effectually prevented. According to the Zoroastrian religion, Earth, Fire, and Water are sacred and very useful to mankind, and in order to avoid their pollution by contact with putrefying flesh, the Zoroastrian religion strictly enjoins that the dead bodies should not be buried in the ground, or burnt, or thrown into seas, rivers, etc.
"In accordance with their religious injunctions the Parsees build their Towers of Silence on the tops of hills if available. No expense is spared in constructing them of the hardest and the best materials, with a view that they may last for centuries without the possibility of polluting the earth or contaminating any living beings dwelling thereon.
"However distant may be the home of a deceased person, whether rich or poor, high or low in rank, he has always a walking funeral — his body is carried to the Towers of Silence on an iron bier by official corpse-bearers and is followed in procession by the mourners, relatives, and friends, dressed in white flowing full-dress robes, walking behind in pairs and each couple joined hand in hand by holding a white handkerchief betwOOn them in token of sympathetic grief."
In the compound of the Tower, at a short distance from it,
there is a small building called sagri, where a sacred fire is kept
burning day and night. In mofussil towns, where it is not convenient
to keep fire burning, at least, a light is kept burning.
The Consecration of the Tower.
The construction of a Tower is accompanied by religious ceremonies38 which are performed at different times during the progress of the structure and are therefore divided into three classes:-(1) The ceremony of digging the ground. (2) The "Tana" ceremony, or the ceremony of laying the foundation. (3) The consecration ceremony after which the Tower is laid open for public use.
The solicitude for the living at the bottom of all the ceremonies.
We have described at great length the funeral ceremonies upto the time of the disposal of the body in the Tower. It appears, that at the bottom of a good many of them lies a great solicitude, on the part of the lawgivers who framed the rules and dictated the ceremonies, to attend to the sanitary good of the survivors. At first sight, the details may appear irksome, but from the standpoint of sanitation and health, most of them, though enjoined about 3,000 years ago, appear essential. Every precaution is enjoined, so that, in disposing of the dead body, no contamination or injury may result to the living. After a certain time after death, no man except the official corpse-bearers, is allowed to touch the dead body or to come into any contact with it. If somebody accidentally or unavoidably touch the body, he is enjoined to keep himself aloof from and not touch them before he bathes and undergoes a prescribed ceremonial of different washings.
Segregation and Disinfection.
Not only should a man not come into contact with the dead body, but even utensils and other articles of furniture should be kept away from the corpse. If wearing clothes have been defiled by the sweat, vomit, etc., of the dead, they should be altogether rejected and destroyed (Vend. VII. 13). If not defiled, they may be purified by the "Gomez" and water. If the clothes are made of leather they must be washed thrice with "Gomez," rubbed with dry earth thrice, washed with water thrice, and exposed for three months in the air before being used again. If they are made of woven cloth, which is more porous than leather and therefore likely to carry more germs of disease and infection, the above process of cleaning and washing must be repeated six times, and they must be exposed to the air for a period of six months (Vend. VII, 14-15). Even the clothes thus purified cannot be used again for religious purposes or for ordinary domestic purposes, but they can be used for other petty purposes. (Vend. VII, 18-19)
Thus, at the bottom of all religious injunctions and restrictions in connection with the funeral ceremonies and the disposal of the dead body, lies the sanitary principle of segregation, prevention of contamination and infecticn, and the idea of observing simplicity and equality.
We will now speak of some of the observances attended to in the house after the removal of the corpse. They also point to the same end.
A few observations attended to in the house. Fire kept burning.
After the removal of the body to the Tower [dakhma], all the members of the family are required to bathe. Fire is generally kept burning for three days at the spot where the body was placed before removal. Fragrant sandal [sandalwood] and incense are burnt over it. We have spoken above, about the good attributed to the fire in destroying the germs of disease lurking at the spot where the decomposing body was placed.
Spot set apart.
Again the spot, where the body was placed before removal, is generally set apart and not used for some time. Nobody is allowed to go on the spot for a period of ten days if the season at the time be winter, or [75] for a period of thirty days, if the season be summer, when the decomposition and contamination are generally more rapid. (Vendidad V. 42).
Lamp and flowers.
Near the spot where the body was placed, a lamp is kept burning for a period of ten days or thirty days, according as it is winter or summer. In a small pot full of water fresh flowers are kept and changed every morning and evening. On the expiry of the above period, the chamber is washed throughout.
Abstinence from meat diet.
For three days after death, the family abstains from meat
and takes food chiefly consisting of vegetable
and fish which is called "parhîzî" i.e.,
abstinence. Not only do the family, but
even nearest and dearest friends abstain from meat diet. The
abstinence is observed as a sign of mourning. Generally, no
food is cooked in the house where death has taken place. The
nearest relations of the family prepare the food for the bereaved
family and send it over to their place.
40. Ibid XXIV, pp. 341-42.
II. Ceremonies that relate to the soul of the deceased.
We will now speak of the funeral ceremonies performed for the soul after the disposal of the body. A short epitome of some of
The soul sees a picture of its deeds.
According to Parsee Scriptures, the soul of a dead person remains within the precincts of this world for three days.41 In this state it sees before itself a picture of its past deeds. If it is the soul of a pious person, it sees a beautiful picture of its deeds in the past life in the form of a handsome, well-formed, strong damsel and feels happy and joyful. If it is the soul of a wicked person, it sees a horrible picture of its past deeds in the form of an ugly, ill-formed, weak woman, shudders and feels unhappy at the sight and is at a loss where to go.42 We read in the Hadokht Nask: "Zarathushtra asked Ahura Mazda, 'O Ahura Mazda, Beneficent, Spirit, Holy Creator of the material world! when a pious man dies, where dwells his soul for that night? ... Where for the second night? ... Where for the third night?' " (Yasht Fragment XXII; Hadokht Nask, Chap. II, 1-18). Then Ahura Mazda replied, "It remains at the place of his body, singing the Ushtavaiti Gatha (song of congratulation), asking for blessedness thus: 'Blessedness to him to whom Ahura Mazda of his own will grants [77] blessedness!)" (Yasht Fragment, XXII; Hadokht Nask, Chap. II, 5. Vide Haug's Text and Translation in The Book of Arda Viraf, pp.309-10).
If it is the soul of a wicked man it remains within the precincts of this world for three nights, remembering all the wickedness of its past life and feeling at a loss where to go. It clamours; "Oh Ahura Mazda! To what land shall I turn? Where shall I go?" (Yasht Fragment, XXII; Hadokht Nask, Chap. III. Vide Haug's Book of Arda Viraf, p. 315).
42. Dr. Cheyne calls this "a very noble allegory." He says, "Heaven and hell are not primarily the localities appointed for souls after death; the one is 'life,' 'the best mental state;' the other is 'life's absence,' 'the worst life,' a high doctrine which is embodied in a very noble allegory in the Vendidad.... Conscience, in fact, according to the fine allegory, appears to the soul of the deceased man and conducts it to its place." (The Origin and Religious Contents of the Psalter by Rev. Dr. Cheyne (1891), pp. 398-99. The Bampton Lectures of 1889). Vide Rev. Dr. Casartelli's paper entitled: "Outre-Tombe -- A Zoroastrian Idyll" in the K. R. Cama Memorial Volume, pp. 74-78. Dr. Haug thought that this allegory suggested to Mohamed "the idea of the celestial Huris." Dr. Cheyne says, "At any rate this Zoroastrian allegory suggested the Talmudic story of the three bands of ministering angels who meet the soul of the pious man, and the three bands of wounding angels who meet the bad man when he dies." (The Origin of the Psalter, p. 437).
Number three symbolically sacred.
The soul of a man thus remains within the precincts of this world for three days. The number three is a sacred number, because it reminds one of the three principal precepts of the Mazdayasnian religion upon which the moral philosophy of the Zoroastrian religion turns. Think of nothing but the truth, speak nothing but the truth, and do nothing but what is right, and you are saved. Your good thoughts, good words, and good deeds will be your saviours in the next world. Therefore it is that, three days after death, the soul of a good man directs itself towards the paradise with three steps of Humata, Hukhta, and Hvarshta, i.e., good thoughts, good words, and good deeds. On the other hand, the soul of a wicked man directs itself to hell with three steps of Dushmata, Duzukhta, and Duzvarshta, i.e., evil thoughts, evil words, and evil actions. We read in the Hadokht Nask: "The first step which the soul of the pious man advanced, he placed in Humata (good thoughts). The second step which the soul of the pious man advanced, he placed in Hukhta (good words). The third step which the soul of the pious man advanced, he placed in Hvarshta (good deeds)." (Yasht Fragment, XXII, 15; Hadokht Nask II, 34, Ibid, p. 314).
Sraosha as the protecting angel.
Now for the three days and nights that a soul is believed to remain within the precincts of this world, it is under the special protection of Sraosha [Srosh]. The Yazata or the angel Sraosha is a guardian angel [78] guiding the souls of men. He is a guardian angel whom the Almighty has appointed to guide the souls of men while living and even when dead. The Yasna says: "O beautiful, holy Sraosha! protect us here in these two lives, in these two worlds, in this world which is material, in that which is spiritual." (Yasna LVII, 25).
As Sraosha is the protector of the soul in this world, all the
prayers of a Zoroastrian begin with a Srosh-baj, which is a
prayer for the Khshnuman of (lit., for the pleasure of, i.e., for
thanking) Sraosha. It is for this reason, that Srosh Yasht (Yasna LVII) is
generally recited by a Parsee at night before going to bed, to pray that
his soul be under the protection of the angel when he is asleep.
The first three days' ceremonies at home.
As the soul is uuder the protection of Sraosha for three
days after death, when it is still within the
precincts of this world, the religious
ceremonies for the soul of the dead during
the first three days are performed in the name of, or with the
Khshnuman of Sraosha. This angel is specially implored by the
relations of the deceased to protect his soul. The Shayest Ne-Shayest says:
"In all the three days, it is necessary to perform
the ceremonial (Yazishn) of Srosh, for this reason, because
Srosh will be able to save his soul from the hands of the
demons for the three days; and when one constantly performs a ceremonial
at every period (gah) in the three days, it is as
good as though they should celebrate the whole religious ritual at
one time".43 We will now describe these ceremonies performed
for the first three days in honour of Sraosha.
The first three days' ceremonies at the Fire-temple.
Besides these prayers and ceremonies, which are performed for three days and nights at the house of the deceased, the Yasna prayers, and sometimes the Vendidad with the Khshnuman of Sraosha are recited at an adjoining Fire-temple for three successive mornings and nights. These Yasna prayers and the Baj ceremonies with the Khshnuman of Sraosha, can be performed only at the Fire-temples.
The Uthamnu ceremony
In the Uzerin Gah of the third day, a ceremony is performed which is called the "Oothamnâ" [Uthamnu] The friends and relatives of the deceased and a few priests meet together in an assembly. The particular prayers of the Gah, the Srosh Hadokht (Yasht [80] XI.) and the Patet are recited. A Pazand prayer with the Khshnuman of Sraosha is recited, wherein the name of the deceased is announced and the protection of Sraosha is implored for him. This is an occasion for the announcement of charities. This ceremony and this assembly are very important, because, at the end of the ceremony, the relations and friends of the deceased generally announce donations to charity funds in the naiyat or memory of the deceased and to commemorate his name. The Parsee community of India has given many lacs of rupees in public charity. Of this sum, a large part was announced at these funeral gatherings of the third day after death.
The custom of commemorating the name.
The Parsees have another custom of commemorating the
name of a deceased person if he be a great
public benefactor. At the conclusion of
the above "Oothamna" ceremony on the
third day, the head priest generally, or in his absence an
"akâbar," i.e., a leader of the community, proposes before
the assembled Anjoman, i.e., the public assembly, that the name of
the deceased public benefactor, whose benefaction or good deeds
he enumerates, be commemorated by the community consenting to
remember the name of the deceased in all the public religious
ceremonies in the Dhup-nirang recital. This proposal is sometimes
seconded by somebody, or very often it is just placed before the
assembly without any formal seconding. When nobody opposes that
proposal, silence is taken as consent, and thenceforth the name of the
deceased is recited and his soul is remembered in all public religious
ceremonies. If the deceased public benefactor has done benevolent acts
for the good of the whole Parsee community, in whatever part of the world
they be, his name is recited and remembered by the whole community.
If the deceased has done good and benevolent acts for the good of the
community of his own particular town or district, the Anjoman of that
town or district alone begins to invoke his name in the religious
ceremonies. For example, the name of Sir Jamsetjee Jejeebhoy, the
first Parsee Baronet, who
[81]
rose from very poor circumstances to be a merchant prince of
India, and who gave large sums of money in charity, not only
for his own co-religionists but for all sections of the mixed
community of India, is remembered in the religious ceremonies
by the whole Parsee community of India.
The different formulae for commemorating the names of the deceased.
The formulae used for this purpose have varied at different times. The formula used in the Farwardin Yasht is: "We invoke the Fravashi...." For example, "We invoke the Fravashi of the holy Yima of Vivanghana." The formula used in the Pazand Afrin-i Rapithwin is, "May the holy spirit of ... be one with us." For example, "May the holy spirit of Emperor Kai-Vishtasp be one with us in ceremony." The formula used now in the Pazand Dibache of the Afrinagan is, "May ... so and so ... of pious soul be remembered here." For example, "May Behedin46 Jamshed Behedin Rustam47
47. The second name is the name of the father. If the deceased was adopted, his adoptive father's name is mentioned instead of his own father's. In the case of females, the name of her father is mentioned with hers, if she is unmarried, and that of the husband if she is married. In case of a second marriage, the name of the first husband is mentioned with hers. The Zoroastrians of Persia, and following them the Parsees of the Kadmi sect in India, mention the name of her father.
The adoption of a son.
If the deceased is of the age of fifteen and has left no son, it is
necessary that a son should be given to him
in adoption. The adopted son generally
belongs to a nearly-related family. The name of the son
thus adopted is declared publicly before the assembly. We
find no reference to the system of adoption in the Avesta
books. It is the Pahlavi works that refer to it. But the desire
to have a son adopted if there is no son of one's own, naturally
follows from the desire to have a son of one's own, as alluded to
in the Avesta. An Iranian was to aim at a married life and
to have a son, and not only to have him but to educate him well.
If he did his duty towards his children well, and if being well
brought up morally, they performed good acts, he, as a consequence
of, or as a recompense for, his carefulness to do his duty,
was to participate in the righteousness which resulted from the
good deeds of the children. The Shayest Ne-Shayest says, "one
is to persevere much in the begetting of offspring, since it is for
the acquisition of many good works at once; because in the
Spend and Nihadum Nasks, the high priests have taught that the
duty and good works, a son performs, are as much the
father's as though they had been done by his own hand."
(Shayest Ne-Shayest, Chap. XII, 15).48 Thus a son
was considered a blessing from several points of view. His good
[83]
actions were expected to shed lustre upon the good name
of the father. Again, he would look after the family interests.
He would perform the necessary religious rites of his parents.
For all these reasons, an Iranian looked at a son as a great
blessing. So, failing a son, he generally wished to adopt one.
The passage of the soul to the other world on the fourth day.
The dawn after the third night after death is considered a
great and solemn occasion. As we said
above, the soul of a man remains within the
precincts of this world for three days. On
the dawn after the third night, it goes to the
other world. The soul passes over a bridge called Chinwad.49 We read
in the Vendidad: "The soul goes to the holy Chinwad Bridge created by
Mazda, which is an old path of immemorial times and which is for the wicked
as well as for the holy. There, they ask the soul (to account) for its deeds
done in this material world." (Vend. XIX, 29).
The Chinwad Bridge and Mithra the Judge.
The bridge is guarded by the angel Mithra. The Vendidad says: "(When) the third night ends and the dawn shines, the well-armed Mithra appears at the sufficiently happy mountain." (Vend. XIX, 28). This angel who is known in the later books as Mihr Dawar, i.e., Mihr the Judge, is assisted by Rashnu, the Angel of Justice, and Ashtad, the Angel of Truth. They judge a man's actions done in the past life.50 If his good deeds
51. The Hameshta-gehan of the Parsees reminds one of the Purgatory of the Christians and the "Aerâf" of the Mahomedans.
Ceemonies at the dawn of the fourth day.
Thus, the dawn after the third night after death is the occasion when the soul of the man is judged by Mihr Dawar, the Judge, assisted by Rashnu Rast, the Angel of Justice, and Astad, the Angel of Truth. Therefore it is considered a very important and solemn occasion for the performance of religious ceremonies for the soul of the deceased. The ceremonies performed in the Uzerin gah on the previous day are repeated, and the Afrinagan and Baj prayers and ceremonies are performed in addition. This being the time of the judgment of the man's deeds, his relations and friends pray for God's mercy on the soul of the deceased. Man is liable to err, and therefore they implore the blessing and mercy of the Almighty on this particular occasion, when his deeds are judged by the angel Mihr assisted by Rashnu and Astad.
The Baj ceremonies on this occasion are recited in honour of the angels who have an important share in connection with the occasion. The first Baj is in honour of the angels Rashnu and Astad together, who help the angel Mihr. The second is in honour of Ram-Khvastra, who is the angel presiding on the rarified atmosphere or ether. This is because when a man dies, the soul of a good pious man passes away to the higher rcgions through, or with the help of, rarified air. The third Baj is in honour of Ardafarosh, i.e., in honour of the spirits of all the departed souls, whose rank the particular deceased, for whom [85] the ceremony is performed, has joined. The fourth Baj is in honour of Srosh who has guided and guarded the soul of the deceased in its sojourn to the other world after death. When the Baj of Ardafarosh is recited, a suit of white clothes, together with the sacred bread and other sacrificial articles, is consecrated by the priest. This suit of clothes is called "Shiâv." It is the Vastra in the word Vastra-vata of the Farwardin Yasht: "Who will praise us ... with clothes in hand?" (Frav. Yasht XIII, 50). This suit of clothes is generally given to the priest or to, the poor.
Ceremonies on, and after, the fourth day.
The other principal occasions, on which the Afrinagan-Baj ceremonies are enjoined to be performed in honour of the dead, are the "Chehârum," "Dehum," "Siroz," and "Salroz", i.e., the fourth day, the tenth day, the thirtieth day and a year after death. The following passage of the Shayest Ne-Shayest speaks of the above-said ceremonies of the dawn after the third night and of subsequent ceremonies:
"And after the third night, at dawn, one is to consecrate three sacred cakes (dron), one for Rashnu and Astad, the second for Vae, the good, and the third for the righteous guardian spirit (ardâi fravard); and clothing is to be placed upon the sacred cake of the righteous guardian spirit.... And the fourth day the ceremonial (Yazishn) of the righteous guardian spirit is to be performed; and afterwards are the tenth day, the monthly, and, then, the annual ceremonies." (Shayest Ne-Shayest, Chap. XVII, 4-5. S.B.E., Vol. V, (1880) p. 383).
According to the Zoroastrian belief, the relation between a pious deceased and his surviving relations does not altogether cease after death. His holy spirit continues to take some interest in his living dear sons. If the surviving relations cherish his memory, remember him with gratefulness, try to please him with pious thoughts, pious words, and pious deeds, it is likely, that these invisible departed spirits will take an interest in their [86] welfare, and assist them with an invisible helping hand. The most essential requisite, by which a surviving relative can please the holy spirits of his departed dear ones, is this, that he should be pious in thoughts, words, and deeds, and that he should perform meritorious charitable deeds. We read in Yasna (Ha. XVI, 7): "We praise the bril1iant deeds of piety in which the souls of the deceased delight." For this reason, it is not unusual among the Parsees, that on the above-mentioned occasions of the third, fourth, tenth, and thirtieth day, and on the anniversaries after death, they give food and clothing to the poor of their community, and sometimes give various sum!l in charity. These occasions are further the occasions on which the surviving relatives remember the deceased with feelings of gratitude, respect, and love, and pray to God that his soul may rest in peace and tranquility.
It appears from all the above description, that the funeral
ceremonies are intended to produce in the minds of the survivors
a great solicitude for the health of the living, respect for the
dead, feelings of gratitude and love towards the deceased, and ideas
of morality and virtue, inculcated by the thought that death levels
everybody, and that one should always be prepared for death which may
overtake him at any moment.